Conscience of a Conservative

This is one of the best written political philosophy books I have read and for those who normally find such books stodgy and hard work, this is one for you.Barry Goldwater clearly expounds the core principles of US constitutional conservatism that has dominated movement conservatism since Barry Goldwater's own ill-fated run for the White House in 1964.For British conservatives, this book does have a lot of relevance despite its consistent reference to the US Constitution as it forms an important part of understanding how classical liberalism began to reemerge in the 1960's and would, under Reagan and Thatcher, become the dominant political economic theory from the 1980's to the present day.

A seminal statement of modern conservatism from an individual who stood his ground. Reading need not lead to agreeing but it certainly will inform and challenge.

Goldwater gives an energetic account of his interpretion of the role of US government & its historical purpose. Succinctly written, he often gets to the point, is not afraid to land punches, but doesnt come across as a showboating radical, either. The interpreration of the role of the US government in state affairs is particularly illuminating. The 2nd half of the book loses some of the structure & focus of the early part as he grapples with foreign policy.

Always curious about what Goldwater stood for. Now I know! A crystal-clear manifesto!

Half a century ago, Barry Goldwater wrote the defining document of political conservatism. John Dean claims that his  Conservatives Without Conscience , originally planned to have Goldwater as a co-author, is an update of this book. But it is too personal, petty, and small-p political to qualify.Senator Goldwater's reminds readers of the principles of conservatism upon which he believes his country was founded. Concerned about New Deal and Fair Deal policies and an increasing liberalism in both the Democratic and Republican parties, Goldwater urges readers to counter these trends. "This book is an attempt to bridge the gap between theory and practice. ...to show the connection between Conservative principles so widely espoused, and Conservative action, so generally neglected."Goldwater discusses the problems with Federal concentration of power, the rights left to state and local government by the Constitution, and the roles that the Federal government should--and should not--play with respect to civil rights. He laments the destructive effects of subsidies which reward farmers for not producing. Goldwater's warnings about the concentration of power and funds in the hands of union leaders remains as relevant now as when originally written. Taxation is addressed next, with an emphasis on the evils of confiscation. A closing chapter discusses the dangers of communism and the Soviet Union--threats which have thankfully been neutralized.Some key quotes:- "...the first principle of totalitarianism: that the State is competent to do all things and is limited in what it actually does only by the will of those who control the State."- "A sociologist writes a paper proposing to abolish some inequity, or a politician makes a speech about it--and, behold, a new `civil right' is born!"- "We have seen that unions perform their natural function when... association with the union is voluntary; the union confines its activities to collective bargaining; [and] the bargaining is conducted with the employer of the workers concerned."- "The Red Cross benefits all of us, directly or indirectly, but no one suggests that Red Cross donations be compulsory. It is one thing to say that a man should contribute to an association that is purportedly acting in his interest; it is quite another thing to say that he must do so."- "We have been led to look upon taxation as merely a problem of public financing: How much money does the government need?"- "The only way to curtail spending substantially, is to eliminate the programs on which excess spending is consumed."One need not agree with Goldwater to benefit from this book. Both conservatives and liberals will find it a useful outline of early conservative thought, untainted by the agenda of any current politician. It is an interesting exercise to compare this book to Paul Krugman's  The Conscience of a Liberal . They are well-matched guides to the roots of present-day political thought.

This book puts forth all the intellectual tenants of conservativism and applys them to the problems of his day. This is an extermely well written book and can still be applied today. Goldwater is truly a hero for the conservative movment.

Barry Goldwater faz um panorama interessantíssimo da mentalidade conservadora e sua experiência política buscando praticar essa teoria. Um dos livros mais importantes da política, seu fracasso na eleição presidencial americana em 1964 não significou o fim de seu pensamento, mas um balão de ensaio para o governo Reagan. De todo o livro, creio que o capítulo sobre o trabalhismo e sindicatos o mais interessante. Além, é claro, de dar muito suporte às ações de Donald Trump. Vale a leitura!

THE CONSCIENCE OF A CONSERVATIVE represents the touchstone of modern conservatism. In 1960, clearly and articulately, Barry Goldwater made the conservative case on many modern issues: the role of the federal government, federal fiscal policy, tax policy, foreign affairs (although dated now), the welfare state, and many others.Goldwater believed that economic, political, religious and social freedoms were intertwined and dependant upon one another. For example, free markets were as necessary to a free society as the right to vote and infringement upon one was infringement upon them all. Goldwater was not alone. Towering intellects like economists Hayek, Friedman, Hazlitt and others argued the very same case with profound results.In the late sixties, another voice would take up these arguments: Ronald Reagan. Building upon the conservative foundation of Goldwater, Reagan would initiate the Tax Reform Act of 1982 and America would enter a period of economic growth never before seen in the world. The principles that Goldwater espoused and the policies of monetarism, lower taxes (supply side economics), and fiscal restraint fueled an economic engine which is still running.Goldwater was not a policy wonk. He was a conservative with a heart for others and compassion and love for his country. His battle cry was. "Extremism in defense of liberty is no vice and moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue." But he didn't let his passion for freedom blind him to the beliefs of others. He valued debate and respected the conflict of differing opinions; he was a gentleman about discourse and politics.Goldwater issued a warning about America's enemies when he said, "The real cause of the deterioration can be simply stated. Our enemies have understood the nature of the conflict and we have not. They are determined to win the conflict and we are not." These words are as chilling a warning today about America's enemies as they were about Communism fifty years ago.Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and George Will both pay tribute to Goldwater in this 2007 version which are worth reading. As for Goldwater, I pray we will see his like again.

Goldwater's book is a true classic. There is a reason that, after Reagan's 1980 election, George Will wrote about Goldwater's 1964 race for the White House that Goldwater actually "won, it just took 16 years to count the votes."The Conscience of a Conservative is a slim read -- barely 80 pages -- but it nonetheless offers up a profound and thorough defense of American conservatism. Not a defense of the Republican party, to be clear -- Goldwater has some harsh words for some of his fellow Republicans. Instead, this is a defense of conservative thinking, complete with a strong defense of federalism and limited government.Inevitably, some of the issues Goldwater tackles are now dated; communism, for example, features prominently, because it was a defining issue of Goldwater's time in politics. Likewise, the budget numbers that horrified Goldwater are obsolete -- the updated numbers are many times larger and far more disturbing. Goldwater's approach to the issues, however, doesn't depend on the arithmetic; he is focused on sustaining liberty and the American system of government on a philosophical level, rather than focusing on the minutiae of particular policies.Anyone who thinks they know what conservatives believe needs to read this book. If you are a conservative, this book will help you sharpen your views and root them more deeply in a strong historical tradition. If you are not a conservative, this book will challenge you to understand and confront -- or accept -- actual conservatism, not the weak, populist fluff that so often passes for conservatism in the politics of the early 21st century.

I bought this book because I wanted to know the fundamentals of Conservativism. It's hard to make sense of the many conflicting "Conservative" arguments put forth by so many these days, so I wanted a succinct, carefully-thought treatise. I'm coming from a Liberal approach but hopefully with an open mind.Mr. Goldwater is right in many of the things he says, particularly about individual freedoms and the Constitutionally-mandated limit of the scope of the federal government (the 10th. amendment), but he is wrong about accusing liberals of being concerned with only people's material well-bring. In fact, therein lies the main problem.Given the zeitgeist of the United States today, the less-powerful members of society don't stand a chance without government protection. I look at government in the same way as I look at a football referee: he is there to insure that the rules are followed so that the game is played fairly and that the players are protected, within reason, from serious harm. What would happen if the power of the referee was minimized to the point that only the most brutal players -- those who want the referee's role to be as limited as possible -- succeeded? It's fine to believe in the saintly character of all people, but it's just not reality.Conservatives want the federal government to be as small a part of their lives as possible, but are the states so beneficent? Most of the states today have more people living in them today than were living in the entire country in 1789, so shouldn't they be regarded with the same fear as the federal government of the late eighteenth century?I agree that (all) government should be as limited as possible, but unfortunately in the complex country and world that we live in today, that role is by necessity large and complex. Trade should be restricted as little as possible, but are the states and/or the people equipped to control enormous businesses that are corrupt, seeking to maximize their profits in any way possible? Who caused the current financial crisis? Corrupt banks, investment houses, and insurance companies that did as they wished with peoples' money. It's unrealistic to think that all fifty states would protect their people from these corporate predators. Think Delaware.) Are the states and/or the people equipped to combat both domestic and international terrorism? Are the states and/or the people equipped to build and maintain the interstate highway system or air travel? Are they equipped to combat sophisticated criminals that operate in cyberspace, where there are no political boundaries?I could go on and on but, along with Mr. Goldwater, I believe in the greatness of this country and its HONEST, DECENT, CARING people. In a far better country and world he would be right, but until the people and the states take it upon themselves to conduct affairs as though there was no need for a referee, the federal government must do its utmost to allow all people the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.Conscience of a Conservative is a great, inspiring book that contains much wisdom, but it's not the answer.